Running Head: Stress Management Do working women experience more occupational stress than men or just more occupational stressors? [Name of the writer] [Name of the institution] Executive Summary Examines the sources of stress affiliated with male and female retail managers, a part identified as being hectic and where women are more likely than in other occupational parts to be managers. Self-completed questionnaires were circulated to males and females at various grades of retail management.
The outcome verified the two study hypotheses: male and female managers described alike job stresses, in specific from “work overload”, “time pressures and deadlines”, “staff shortages and turnover rates” and “long employed hours”. furthermore, female retail managers were more expected than their male counterparts to bear from added stresses initiated by sex discrimination and prejudice. The conclusion of these stressors can assist to organisational deficiency, ultimately damaging the status of the company.
Retail companies that effectively undertake the topic of work-related stress will be better equipped to contend with the cost of change within the retail environment. Table of Contents INTRODUCTION4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS5 LITERATURE REVIEW5 WOMEN, WORK AND STRESS5 METHODOLOGY7 FINDINGS9 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SAMPLE9 WORK STRESSES SKILLED BY MALE AND FEMININE MANAGERS9 DISCUSSION10 CONCLUSIONS13 REFERENCES15 APPENDIX22 Introduction
The end of the twentieth years witnessed the development in the number of women going into career-oriented and expert areas and this produced in their advanced participation in administration positions. although, administration places still stay the maintain of males (Wajcman, 1996) and as a outcome most feminine managers are found in smaller grade places with less administration and less pay (Morrison and von Glinow, 1990), often in the service sector (Wilson, 1994). ocation idea is entrenched in male values (Dalton, 1989) and most occupational environments are more conducive to men’s achievement than women’s (Tharenou et al. , 1994). Early theories of women’s development presumed they were just like men, and consequently, when they did not fit the male-based ideas, they were regarded as deficient and negatively assessed which, in turn, decayed their self-assurance (Bailyn, 1989) and curtailed future advancements (Gallos, 1989).
This paper identifies the causes of tension affiliated with female managers compared with their male equivalent within the retail sector. This area was selected because retailing and administration occupations have been recognised as very hectic occupations (The Sunday Times, 1997) and until recently it has been a neglected locality for stress study (see Lusch and Serpkenci, 1990; Lusch and Jaworski, 1991; Wolken and Good, 1995; Moyle, 1997; Broadbridge, 1998b, 1999, 2000; Broadbridge et al. , 1999).
Retailing has furthermore been recognised as a part where women are more expected to be managers than in other occupational parts (Davidson, 1985; Davidson and Cooper, 1992; Hammond and Holton, 1994), whereas farther analysis identifies that they are concentrated in smaller grade rather than senior administration positions (Broadbridge, 1996, 1998a). therefore the sector presents an interesting comparison to consider whether gender dissimilarities in described grades of job tension arise in an natural environment where women have evidently more possibilities than in other parts to be managers.
If alike stresses are described by male and feminine retail managers, this assists to an comprehending of what makes a job in retail administration very stressful. If feminine retail managers report added stresses, this would contribute to a publications which finds women’s added stresses from the stresses of them vying at an occupational grade overridden by male standards and norms. Research Hypothesis This led to two study hypotheses to be explored: 1. 1) males and females will report alike stresses from their occupations as retail managers; 2. (2) feminine retail managers will report added stresses in relation to their occupations than their male counterparts. Literature Review Women, work and stress Much of the preceding study analyzing sex differences and degrees of job tension has demonstrated that numerous of the pressures females bear can be inextricably connected to the traditional roles ascribed to males and females. rganising, supervising and controlling persons are components found to significantly affect male managers (Davidson and Cooper, 1983) and contemplate their senior place in the occupational hierarchy while need of influence (Brass, 1985), need of power and assets, and need of engagement and participation (Terborg, 1985) are stresses described by females and demonstrate their relative place vis-a-vis male managers in the occupational hierarchy. receding study has shown that female managers bear from role conflict and role ambiguity (Terborg, 1985), which brings with it force felt from tokenism (Rosen, 1982; Davidson and Cooper, 1983; Offermann and Armitage, 1993) isolation (Nelson and Quick, 1985; Davidson and Cooper, 1985) and not feeling completely accepted by their gazes (Kanter, 1977).
The lack of feminine function forms (Davidson and Cooper, 1983, 1985; Terborg, 1985), the need to prove themselves (Davidson and Cooper, 1983) or to emulate the male function (Clark et al. 1996) are supplemented pressures discovered to be associated with feminine managers, and can be attributed to the idea of vocation theory being based in male standards (Dalton, 1989). Various studies have indicated the pressures feminine managers know-how from men retaining negative insights about women’s managerial rank (Rosen, 1982; Davidson and Cooper, 1983; Nelson and fast, 1985; Terborg, 1985) and being cast in stereotypical functions (Davidson and Cooper, 1983; Nelson and fast, 1985; Kanter, 1990). Such perceptions result in feminine managers finding adversity in being accepted into the casual systems of the administration Nelson and fast, 1985; Offermann and Armitage, 1993). feminine managers are furthermore more expected than male managers to bear from a need of support, be this need of support from superiors (Davidson and Cooper, 1983), absence of mentors (Jick and Mitz, 1985; Terborg, 1985) or need of social support (Davidson and Cooper, 1983; Offermann and Armitage, 1993). study furthermore indicates the specific stresses female managers know-how with consider to barriers in their vocation development producing from sex discrimination and prejudice (Davidson and Cooper, 1983; Nelson and Quick, 1985; Clark et al. 1996). encompassed here is the conviction that women are less suited for management (Offermann and Armitage, 1993), women’s inadequate job training compared with male managers (Davidson and Cooper, 1985), women’s perceived disadvantage regarding promotional possibilities (Cooper and Lewis, 1979; Davidson and Cooper, 1983) and the insight that men are treated more favourably by administration than women (Davidson and Cooper, 1983). Methodology The present research formed part of a broader enquiry into the vocation development of retail managers.
A quantitative approach was adopted in the pattern of a self-completed questionnaire. Two major sections of the questionnaire analyzed the causes of pressures skilled by retail managers at their work (derived from the most befitting declarations for the retail administration context from Davidson and Cooper’s (1983) research), and their mind-set to a sequence of work declarations which have previously been associated with the sentiments of stress. Respondents were provided with the identical definition of force used by Davidson and Cooper (1983, p. 00): “Pressure is characterised as a difficulty, certain thing you find difficult to contend with, about which you feel concerned or troubled”. force dimensions were tallied on a five-point Likert scale from 1 (extreme force) to 5 (no force at all). mind-set to work statements were likewise scored utilising a Likert scale of 1 (strongly acquiesce) to 5 (strongly disacquiesce). General demographic details were assembled for the reason of comparing the likenesses and dissimilarities between the male and female retail managers.
While some condemnation may be levied at the use of the force declarations utilised by Davidson and Cooper because the research was conducted in the mid-1980s, these declarations have been taken up in another place and subsequently utilised by the Occupational tension Indicator, developed by Cooper et al. (1988). The work declaration questions were derived from a kind of more latest causes (e. g. Rosen et al. , 1989; Davidson and Cooper, 1992; Wentling, 1992; Davidson and Burke, 1994; Brockbank and Airey, 1994).
The nature of the study did not endow all the promise job stresses initially utilised by Davidson and Cooper (1983) to be utilised and thus those statements judged by the author as being most applicable to the retail environment were selected. No prior study was available to double-check that the study was applicable to female retail managers. These are some of the drawbacks in carrying out exploratory research and, whereas duly accepted, they do not detract from the significance of the findings. The entire locality of the research was judged to be of a perceptive nature.
This intended that consideration over the span of rigour imposed on the trying method required to be weighed against the requirement to gain co-operation from the respondents. As a outcome, it was decided that some caution be directed in order to gain co-operation and, thus, the sample assortment was founded on non-probability sampling techniques and was twofold. communal systems were utilised to gain the original experiment and to contradict balance the promise bias this could entail; these managers were demanded to distribute copies of the questionnaire for culmination by other managers in their organisation.
A total of 255 comprehensive self-completed posted letters questionnaires were distributed, and answers were obtained from 62 feminine (47 per cent) and 70 male managers (53 per cent). This comprised an general response rate of 52 per cent (55 per cent for the managers by social systems and 45 per cent for other retail managers). The most of respondents (77 per cent) worked for large retail businesses (defined as those with over ten outlets). A kind of parts of retailing were encompassed in the experiment achieved. roughly a third of respondents worked in the nourishment sector, mostly within the multiple grocery sector.
Some added respondents worked for convenience nourishment retailers. Other parts comprised encompassed the CTN part, blended items retailers and retailers of menswear, women’s wear and children’s wear. The only part that was obvious by its absence was the DIY sector. Findings Characteristics of the sample An evaluation of the demographic minutia of the male and feminine experiment was undertaken to reveal any similarities or differences between the trials which may influence the stresses skilled in their occupations (Table I).
Where raw facts and figures were assembled, mean dissimilarities between males and females were noted (age, working know-how, time with present employer). When statistical tests were performed on all the demographic data, few significant differences between the male and female samples were found: males were significantly more likely than females to have children ? 2 = 16. 49, df = 1, p < 0. 001), although the female managers’ children were younger than those of the male managers (? 2 = 7. 75, df = 4, p < 0. 10). Males were significantly more likely to be concentrated at the higher levels of management compared to females (? = 9. 98, df = 2, p < 0. 01). While this finding may reflect the junior age and reduced employed know-how of feminine managers, it furthermore confirms preceding literature on the relative managerial places used by males and females (Davidson and Cooper, 1983; Morrison et al. , 1987; Morrison and von Glinow, 1990; NEDO, 1990; Davidson and Cooper, 1992; Coe, 1992; O’Leary and Ickovics, 1992; Marshall, 1995; Wilson, 1995; Broadbridge, 1996, 1998a). Work pressures experienced by male and female managers Table II registers the diverse work stresses skilled by retail managers. onsidered cumulatively, feminine managers described more pressure (3. 69) from the various promise job stressors than male managers (3. 82), although the dissimilarities were not statistically significant. Of the 36 variables measured, feminine managers owned signify scores which were higher than the male managers in 26 of the cases; three were identically scored between males and females while just seven components displayed a signify score higher for men than for women. Table II displays a likeness of stresses skilled by male and feminine retail managers, with eight of the peak ten stresses described by both males and females. Work overload” and “time stresses and deadlines” were reported as leading determinants of pressure for both feminine and male managers, while “staff shortages and revenue rates” and “long employed hours” initiated considerable force for males and females alike. Of the peak ten stresses where differences appeared, feminine managers graded “feeling undervalued” and “lack of support from superiors” among their top ten stresses while male managers ranked “under promotion” and “having to move to advancement their vocation” amidst theirs.
When two-tailed t-tests were directed to the mean tallies of all 36 force statements, differences were discovered for five of the work pressures. feminine managers described statistically important higher force tallies than male managers for “poor interpersonal relationships at work” (t = 1. 85, p = 0. 67); “rate of pay” (t = 2. 06, p = 0. 039); “too much blame” (t = 2. 08, p = 0. 039); “sex discrimination and prejudice” (t = 2. 77, p = 0. 007); and “lack of household support at home” (t = 2. 97, p = 0. 004). Discussion
In general the outcome display some acceptance for both research hypotheses delineated in the introduction to the item: alike job pressures were reported by male and feminine retail managers, while evidence lives to speculate that females may be under additional stresses in relative to their job contrasted with their male equivalent. One important facet of the study was to focus the causes of job tension amidst male and female retail managers, and the outcome disclosed that male and female retail managers similarly report diverse facets of their occupations as being more hectic than other ones (Table II).
The outcome of the present study approve previous study (Broadbridge, 1999) which demonstrated that retail managers may be at risk from stress because of the way work is coordinated (e. g. long employed hours, time stresses, tight assets, cyclic demands), the way persons broadcast with each other (e. g. aggressive administration methods) and day-to-day claims (pace and fast response obligations, performance force, customers).
With the transformations which have appeared inside the retail industry in latest years (such as fierce affray, market engrossment, internationalisation, technological developments, new shop formats, increased professionalism, centralisation of decision making and workforce reduction), it is unsurprising that male and feminine retail managers equally grade diverse factors intrinsic to the job as substantial work pressures. UK retailing today is distinuished by a rapid stride of change and fewer administration levels and expert localities of expertise now live to reply to these changes.
As a way of residual comparable, employee figures have contracted and time stresses have rapidly bigger (Sillence, 1993), which results in work overload and the inclination to work longer hours. These alterations happening within the commerce are reasonable determinants of male and female retail managers reporting moderate to high pressure from “work overload”, “time stresses and deadlines”, “staff shortages and revenue rates”, “working long hours”, “lack of command in the work environment”, “lack of consultation and communication”, and “feeling isolated”.
The nature of the job locations considerable claims on all managers irrespective of their gender. The findings, although, furthermore propose that female retail managers experience additional stresses in relative to their job contrasted with male retail managers (Tables II and III) and would support findings from preceding study on female managers generally.
Where statistical dissimilarities occurred between the male and feminine retail managers’ answers, “poor interpersonal relationships” may be reliable with findings on women’s need of encouragement and need of communal support at work (Davidson and Cooper, 1983; Offermann and Armitage, 1993) and their adversity in being acknowledged into the casual networks of the administration (Nelson and fast, 1985). “Too much blame” has not before been attributed to pressures experienced by feminine managers in isolation, while “rate of pay” was previously discovered to be more stressful for men than women (Davidson and Cooper, 1983).
The present outcome may contemplate the tendency in the direction of the increased participation of women in managerial positions (Equal Opportunities Commission, 1993; Wilson 1994; opening 2000, 1995). This may contribute to their sentiments of “too much responsibility” (particularly if they are blending the multiple functions of work and home), and furthermore contemplate the major contribution of women’s occupations and pay in the direction of the household income. In support of preceding research (Davidson and Cooper, 1983; Nelson and fast 1985; Clark et al. 1996) the feminine retail managers described significantly more force than the male managers from “sex discrimination and prejudice” in the workplace, and “lack of household support at home” (Rosen et al. , 1981; Davidson and Cooper, 1983). important dissimilarities between the male and female retail managers in response to attitudinal declarations (Table III) again affirm preceding work on obstacles to women’s career development and occupational determinants of tension (Davidson and Cooper, 1983).
Males, for demonstration, were considerably more expected to report the positive conclusions of vocation development than females (e. g. being granted the identical developmental opportunities and career therapy as constituents of the converse sex (see Davidson and Cooper, 1987; Wentling, 1992). They also were significantly more expected to believe that men make better managers than women (see search, 1975; Rothwell, 1984; Davidson and Cooper, 1992). eminine retail managers were considerably more expected than males to acquiesce that women have to work much harder than men to verify themselves to peak administration (see Wentling, 1992), and that there is a distinct handicap in being a woman and desiring a vocation in retailing (see Cooper and Lewis, 1979; Davidson and Cooper, 1983). These may place additional stresses on their function in the administration and relate to the male-dominated heritage of numerous retail businesses (Broadbridge, 1996, 1998a).
They were furthermore significantly more expected to believe that men do not like to be overseen by women (see Ashridge administration school, 1980), whereas they report the smallest force from their employed relationship with male subordinates (Table II) possibly because these women were in lower managerial places where women are more expected to be represented and acknowledged in retailing. They also report that men are treated more favourably by administration (see Davidson and Cooper, 1983), and hence accelerate more quickly than identically trained female managers in their business (see Rosen and Jerdee, 1974; Rosen et al. 1981). These outcome may contribute to female managers being considerably more expected to lack the self-assurance in applying for advancement (Bailyn, 1989). Conclusions While a certain amount of tension can be beneficial to both the individual and the administration by stimulating persons to creativity and activity, the significances of too numerous job stressors can lead to negative conclusions, which can have grave implications for the wellbeing and wellbeing of employees. The individual may bear a variety of illnesses, from minor ailments to fatal infections (Cooper et al. 1988). In turn, these assist to organisational deficiency by way of absenteeism (Mind, 1992; Cooper, 1994; Cooper and Cartwright, 1994; Rees, 1997; von Radowitz, 1997), work revenue (Terborg, 1985) and presenteeism (Cooper, 1994) – a far more insidious and tough outcome to quantify in periods of costs. The general outcomes of these conclusions for the administration, if undetected, will finally impairment the reputation of the company while being a drain on the productive use of employees.
In supplement, organisations need to obey with wellbeing and safety regulations at work to double-check that staff are not unduly placed at risk from tension through work (Health & Safety boss, 1995). It is significant, thus, that retail businesses take activity to enumerate the costs of tension and minimise its effects. Stress is an pointless cost and one which should be eliminated if organisations are to survive and augment (McHugh, 1993). Before any endeavours can be made to address the problems, retail organisations need to be cognizant of the stressors experienced by their managers.
This can be accumulated by conducting tension audits inside individual organisations, whereas the results of this exploratory research provide some suggestion of where answers are required. The alike stresses reported by male and feminine retail managers supply some comprehending of what makes retailing a very stressful occupation (The Sunday Times, 1997). The added stresses experienced by feminine retail managers expose the detail that gender differences do originate in an occupational environment where women are more likely to be managers than in other fields.